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Assassinat de Rosa Luxemburg. Ne pas oublier!

Le 15 janvier 1919, Rosa Luxemburg a été assassinée. Elle venait de sortir de prison après presque quatre ans de détention dont une grande partie sans jugement parce que l'on savait à quel point son engagement contre la guerre et pour une action et une réflexion révolutionnaires était réel. Elle participait à la révolution spartakiste pour laquelle elle avait publié certains de ses textes les plus lucides et les plus forts. Elle gênait les sociaux-démocrates qui avaient pris le pouvoir après avoir trahi la classe ouvrière, chair à canon d'une guerre impérialiste qu'ils avaient soutenue après avoir prétendu pendant des décennies la combattre. Elle gênait les capitalistes dont elle dénonçait sans relâche l'exploitation et dont elle s'était attachée à démontrer comment leur exploitation fonctionnait. Elle gênait ceux qui étaient prêts à tous les arrangements réformistes et ceux qui craignaient son inlassable combat pour développer une prise de conscience des prolétaires.

Comme elle, d'autres militants furent assassinés, comme Karl Liebknecht et son ami et camarade de toujours Leo Jogiches. Comme eux, la révolution fut assassinée en Allemagne.

Que serait devenu le monde sans ces assassinats, sans cet écrasement de la révolution. Le fascisme aurait-il pu se dévélopper aussi facilement?

Une chose est sûr cependant, l'assassinat de Rosa Luxemburg n'est pas un acte isolé, spontané de troupes militaires comme cela est souvent présenté. Les assassinats ont été systématiquement planifiés et ils font partie, comme la guerre menée à la révolution, d'une volonté d'éliminer des penseurs révolutionnaires, conscients et déterminés, mettant en accord leurs idées et leurs actes, la théorie et la pratique, pour un but final, jamais oublié: la révolution.

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Avec Rosa Luxemburg.

1910.jpgPourquoi un blog "Comprendre avec Rosa Luxemburg"? Pourquoi Rosa Luxemburg  peut-elle aujourd'hui encore accompagner nos réflexions et nos luttes? Deux dates. 1893, elle a 23 ans et déjà, elle crée avec des camarades en exil un parti social-démocrate polonais, dont l'objet est de lutter contre le nationalisme alors même que le territoire polonais était partagé entre les trois empires, allemand, austro-hongrois et russe. Déjà, elle abordait la question nationale sur des bases marxistes, privilégiant la lutte de classes face à la lutte nationale. 1914, alors que l'ensemble du mouvement ouvrier s'associe à la boucherie du premier conflit mondial, elle sera des rares responsables politiques qui s'opposeront à la guerre en restant ferme sur les notions de classe. Ainsi, Rosa Luxemburg, c'est toute une vie fondée sur cette compréhension communiste, marxiste qui lui permettra d'éviter tous les pièges dans lesquels tant d'autres tomberont. C'est en cela qu'elle est et qu'elle reste l'un des principaux penseurs et qu'elle peut aujourd'hui nous accompagner dans nos analyses et nos combats.
 
Voir aussi : http://comprendreavecrosaluxemburg2.wp-hebergement.fr/
 
28 décembre 2019 6 28 /12 /décembre /2019 17:18
Quatre moments dans l'élaboration de l'oeuvre que Käte Kollwitz a consacré à Karl Liebknecht.

Une exposition aux Etats-Unis présente les oeuvres de Käte Kollwitz sur la guerre, la classe ouvrière et l'assassinat de Karl Liebknecht et Rosa Luxemburg.

 

On peut y découvrir l'évolution de l'oeuvre célèbre qu'elle consacra à Liebknecht à la demande de sa famille. Ci-dessous l'extrait de l'article concernant cette oeuvre puis l'article, par ailleurs remarquable, en entier.

Karl Liebknecht’s family asked Kollwitz to portray the assassinated socialist leader. Liebknecht was summarily executed, together with his comrade Rosa Luxemburg, on January 15, 1919 on the orders of the counterrevolutionary Social Democratic Party (SDP) regime of Friedrich Ebert, Philipp Scheidemann and Gustav Noske. In an entry from her diary, dated January 25, 1919, Kollwitz writes: “Around the shot-up forehead were placed red flowers, the face proud, the mouth slightly open and painfully contorted.”

 

In the Liebknecht print, Kollwitz began with charcoal drawings of the deceased revolutionary surrounded by five mourners. She reworked this initial print by cutting and pasting. This initial “reject” was followed by a lithograph, also rejected. The work’s final version is a dramatic woodcut, centered on the impact of his death on those around him.

 

The use of light and shadow highlighting the individual faces and expressions and weathered hands of the workers who came to mourn the murdered man, with their darkened bodies, contrasts with Liebknecht’s own backlit face and dark, open mouth, his eyes shut, almost like a photographic negative image, surrounded by light. The viewer can imagine the worker in the foreground, with a wound on his forehead and his hand on Liebknecht’s shroud, pledging to continue the struggle.

L'article :

 

The great German artist on war, the working class and the murder of socialist Karl Liebknecht - Exhibition at the Getty Center in Los Angeles: Käthe Kollwitz: Prints, Process, Politics - By Rafael Azul -28 December 2019

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2019/12/28/koll-d28.html

Käthe Kollwitz: Prints, Process, Politics , December 3, 2019–March 29, 2020, Getty Center in Los Angeles

The Getty Center, a campus of the Getty Museum in Los Angeles, is hosting an exhibition of intaglios, lithographs and woodcuts by German left-wing artist Käthe Kollwitz (1867-1945), one of the most prominent graphic artists of her day.

 

Käthe Kollwitz, 1906, Photographie- Philipp Kester © Käthe Kollwitz Museum Köln

 

The show, the Kollwitz, Prints, Process, Politics, displays a portion of a collection of 654 works by German artists gifted in 2016 to the Getty Research Institute by Dr. Richard Simms. Included in the gift were 286 works by Kollwitz, 52 of which are currently on display at the Getty, arranged chronologically.

Five remarkable series dominate the exhibition: The Weavers Revolt, The Peasant War, Karl Liebknecht, War and Proletariat. Also included are prints from her tribute to Émile Zola’s Germinal and from Woman with Dead Child, along with self-portraits.

The Weavers’ Revolt, inspired by Gerhart Hauptmann’s naturalistic stage drama The Weavers (1892), commemorates the 1844 rebellion of thousands of weavers in Silesia (then a Prussian province) against the brutal exploitation of the factory owners. Kollwitz made the series of prints, which brought her to artistic prominence, between 1893 and 1897. The cycle on the Peasant War, which Kollwitz created between 1902 and 1908, commemorates the peasant rebellion that took place across German-speaking regions in 1524-25.

The Karl Liebknecht series, about the murdered revolutionary, was done in 1919-1920. Kollwitz produced the War series between 1918 and 1923. Proletariat, denouncing the misery and hunger of the working class, following the abortive 1923 German revolution, was created in 1924-25.

Among the elements that make the current Getty exhibition exceptional is its inclusion of extremely valuable intermediary works that led to the final versions. As one moves forward, one can retrace Kollwitz steps, which reveal how she struggled to distill from preliminary drawings the essence of a scene or historical depiction. The viewer is invited, by this inclusion of preliminary works, to participate in that metamorphosis and arrives at a better understanding of Kollwitz’s artistic and political perspective.

Quatre moments dans l'élaboration de l'oeuvre que Käte Kollwitz a consacré à Karl Liebknecht.
Charge, Käthe Kollwitz, 1902–1903. The Getty Research Institute, 2016.PR.34

 

By removing the less important elements and tightening the representation of her subjects, Kollwitz, through her precise, complicated and intricate techniques, placed emphasis on what was emotionally, aesthetically and socially essential.

Karl Liebknecht’s family asked Kollwitz to portray the assassinated socialist leader. Liebknecht was summarily executed, together with his comrade Rosa Luxemburg, on January 15, 1919 on the orders of the counterrevolutionary Social Democratic Party (SDP) regime of Friedrich Ebert, Philipp Scheidemann and Gustav Noske. In an entry from her diary, dated January 25, 1919, Kollwitz writes: “Around the shot-up forehead were placed red flowers, the face proud, the mouth slightly open and painfully contorted.”

In the Liebknecht print, Kollwitz began with charcoal drawings of the deceased revolutionary surrounded by five mourners. She reworked this initial print by cutting and pasting. This initial “reject” was followed by a lithograph, also rejected. The work’s final version is a dramatic woodcut, centered on the impact of his death on those around him.

The use of light and shadow highlighting the individual faces and expressions and weathered hands of the workers who came to mourn the murdered man, with their darkened bodies, contrasts with Liebknecht’s own backlit face and dark, open mouth, his eyes shut, almost like a photographic negative image, surrounded by light. The viewer can imagine the worker in the foreground, with a wound on his forehead and his hand on Liebknecht’s shroud, pledging to continue the struggle.

Quatre moments dans l'élaboration de l'oeuvre que Käte Kollwitz a consacré à Karl Liebknecht.
In Memorian Karl Liebknecht

 

On August 4, 1914, one week after the eruption of World War I, the parliamentary deputies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany cast their vote in favor of war credits. Only weeks before, the Social Democrats had been singing hymns to the international unity of the working class. Now they were signaling their approval of the imperialist slaughter, resorting to the most grotesque pretexts to justify setting the workers of diverse nations against each other. The SPD position troubled and confused many party supporters, including Käthe Kollwitz and her family. The SPD’s support for the war was a consequence of a pronounced turn to the right by the party in the years leading up to the war, an adaptation to the national-reformist milieu of trade union struggles and parliamentary debate.

A letter from Käthe to her son Hans, in April 1917, sheds light on this situation: “You know, at the beginning of the war, you all said Social Democracy had failed. We said that internationalism had to be put aside for now, but back of everything the international spirit remains. Later on, this concept of mine was almost entirely buried; now it has sprung back to life again… the Social Democrats in Russia are speaking the language of truth. That is internationalism.”

Producing the Liebknecht remembrance had a powerful impact on Kollwitz herself, as she noted in a letter: “I was politically opposed, but his death gave me the first tug toward him. Later I read his letters, with the result that his personality appeared to me in the purest light.”

Liebknecht and Luxemburg bitterly opposed the betrayal of the working class by the SPD, which abandoned internationalism and helped transform the German and French working classes into tools of their own ruling classes.

 

The Black Anna, Käthe Kollwitz, 1903. The Getty Research Institute_ 2016.PR.34. © 2019 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York

 

In the Peasant War series, the three preparatory drawings culminate in that of a peasant woman sharpening a scythe to be used as a weapon in the rebellion. Through the several works Kollwitz increasingly focuses on the transformation of this peasant, from passively leaning of the scythe to sharpening in anticipation of the struggle. In the final version, the woman is sliding her sharpening stone across the blade, while her nearly shut eyes seem to convey her determination.

The Peasant War culminates in a battle scene, concentrating the anger of the peasants rushing into battle.

A similar transformation takes place for the final drawing “Hunger” in the Proletariat series, representing working class women shielding their children from the ghost of death.

The themes of the Getty exhibition reveal the phases of the artist’s life, through the period of the German Empire under Wilhelm II (1888-1918) and the tragedy of World War I, the Weimar Republic (1918-1933), and the rise of Hitler in 1933. Each of these periods is mirrored in her artistic series, which are genuine visual political and personal manifestoes.

Each period represents personal (Kollwitz lost her younger son Peter in one of the earliest battles of World War I in 1914) and political crises for Kollwitz and the German working class as a whole.

Last week, as museumgoers walked by the literature table at the Getty’s Kollwitz exhibition, they were able to purchase, along with several volumes dedicated to the artist, copies of Rosa Luxemburg’s classic work Reform or Revolution (1899). That this volume is being sold and this exhibition takes place are testaments to the contemporary relevance of Kollwitz the artist and Luxemburg the revolutionary.

 

Sharpening the Scythe, Käthe Kollwitz, ca. 1905. The Getty Research Institute, 2016.PR.34

 

After experiencing the exhibition, one leaves with the certainty that these works, which describe the hardship and struggle of workers and peasants, might have been created for the current historical period, describing not just the current wars and the suffering that affect millions of people, but also the fighting spirit of oppressed masses, as they “sharpen their scythes.”

 

The Käthe Kollwitz exhibition will be on display at the Getty Center until March 29, 2020. The exhibition includes two lectures. The first one, on January 28, is Iconic Intelligence: How Käthe Kollwitz Made Pictures Talk, given by Annette Seeler, curator of Berlin’s Käthe Kollwitz Museum. The second, Käthe Kollwitz: Sharpening the Scythe and the Spark of Revolutionary Consciousness, on March 12, 2020, will be given by Louis Marchessano, senior curator at the Philadelphia Museum of Art. Marchessano is also the editor of a book published by the Getty Research Institute to accompany the exhibition: Käthe Kollwitz Prints, Process, Politics .

A related exhibition, Käthe Kollwitz and the Art of Resistance, will be presented at The Art Institute of Chicago from May 30–September 13, 2020.

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Grève de masse. Rosa Luxemburg

La grève de masse telle que nous la montre la révolution russe est un phénomène si mouvant qu'il reflète en lui toutes les phases de la lutte politique et économique, tous les stades et tous les moments de la révolution. Son champ d'application, sa force d'action, les facteurs de son déclenchement, se transforment continuellement. Elle ouvre soudain à la révolution de vastes perspectives nouvelles au moment où celle-ci semblait engagée dans une impasse. Et elle refuse de fonctionner au moment où l'on croit pouvoir compter sur elle en toute sécurité. Tantôt la vague du mouvement envahit tout l'Empire, tantôt elle se divise en un réseau infini de minces ruisseaux; tantôt elle jaillit du sol comme une source vive, tantôt elle se perd dans la terre. Grèves économiques et politiques, grèves de masse et grèves partielles, grèves de démonstration ou de combat, grèves générales touchant des secteurs particuliers ou des villes entières, luttes revendicatives pacifiques ou batailles de rue, combats de barricades - toutes ces formes de lutte se croisent ou se côtoient, se traversent ou débordent l'une sur l'autre c'est un océan de phénomènes éternellement nouveaux et fluctuants. Et la loi du mouvement de ces phénomènes apparaît clairement elle ne réside pas dans la grève de masse elle-même, dans ses particularités techniques, mais dans le rapport des forces politiques et sociales de la révolution. La grève de masse est simplement la forme prise par la lutte révolutionnaire et tout décalage dans le rapport des forces aux prises, dans le développement du Parti et la division des classes, dans la position de la contre-révolution, tout cela influe immédiatement sur l'action de la grève par mille chemins invisibles et incontrôlables. Cependant l'action de la grève elle-même ne s'arrête pratiquement pas un seul instant. Elle ne fait que revêtir d'autres formes, que modifier son extension, ses effets. Elle est la pulsation vivante de la révolution et en même temps son moteur le plus puissant. En un mot la grève de masse, comme la révolution russe nous en offre le modèle, n'est pas un moyen ingénieux inventé pour renforcer l'effet de la lutte prolétarienne, mais elle est le mouvement même de la masse prolétarienne, la force de manifestation de la lutte prolétarienne au cours de la révolution. A partir de là on peut déduire quelques points de vue généraux qui permettront de juger le problème de la grève de masse..."

 
Publié le 20 février 2009